LAST VOLUME : Amme İdaresi Dergisi
NO : 3
RELEASE DATE : 2022-09-27
Amme İdaresi Dergisi, genel kamu yönetimi, siyaset bilimi, siyaset felsefesi, devlet teorisi, bürokrasi, kamu hukuku, anayasa hukuku ve idare hukuku alanlarından özgün makaleleri kabul etmektedir. Devam eden ya da savunulmuş yüksek lisans ve doktora tezlerinden üretilmiş makaleler ve herhangi bir kongrede sunulmuş (özeti yayımlanmış ya da yayımlanmamış) bildirilerin genişletilmesiyle hazırlanan makaleler kabul edilmemekte ve değerlendirmeye alınmamaktadır. Derginin biçimsel yazım kurallarına uymayan makaleler editöryal incelemeye alınmadan geri çevrilir.
ARTICLES
The Ambiguity of Political Dichotomies: Derrida’s Hobbes
The discourses of Western thought on animals operate through a strict human-animal dichotomy. According to Derrida, critical of such sharp distinctions, the strict boundaries drawn between these two categories ignore the singularity of the animal and bring about violence against animals at the level of discourse. In this respect, Derrida, who strategically tracks down the situations in which the boundary between these two categories is blurred, catches the possibility of the sort of ambiguity he seeks in the ‘sovereign’ image of Hobbes’ political theory. Hobbes, who portrays man as having the nature of an animal in the state of nature, describes the state of nature as a state of fear of death. However, according to Hobbes, to overcome his animal nature, humans have a unique faculty called reason and utilising this faculty, he transfers his rights to a sovereign by a social contract. In doing so, man creates an artificial prosthesis called the state and excludes animals from his contract. Hobbes also excludes God from the contract to distance himself from the theologically oriented political theories of the Middle Ages. For Derrida, the relation of Hobbes’ humanist manoeuvre to theology is controversial. Hence, Derrida focuses on the characteristic, namely the non-responsiveness that the animal and God, which are excluded from the contract, share with the sovereign. They intersect in being non-responsive in that the animal does not have logos, God cannot speak without a mediator, and the sovereign has the privilege of not responding to the law. This paper, focusing on Derrida’s analysis of Hobbes, investigates how the commonality of the three categories works in the background of the logic of sovereignty of Hobbes’s political theory and shows how the ambiguity revealed by this investigation spreads to the constitutive dichotomies of politics.
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Authors: Özge KARA, Onur KABİL
Page Number : 1-28
Keywords : E g e m e n , h a y v a n , L e v i a t h a n , H o b b e s , D e r r i d a .
From Literature to Philosophy, Belonging and Critical Theory through the Genre of Essay: What does Adorno Have to Teach Us?
Both in Antiquity and the modern paradigm, it is possible to come across es-sentialist views that identify people with a sense of belonging or an identity. In the history of thought, one may encounter examples of such essentialist and oppressive ideas reach-ing the level of domination (herrschaft), as well as various forms of critical thinking that undermine oppression of this kind. Theodor Adorno is a philosopher of the twentieth cen-tury, when the nation-state structure was strengthening, the world wars took place, the issue of belonging often intertwined with violence, and took on an extremely conflicting and complex structure. The function Adorno attributes to critique could be read in this context. He develops an argument as to how critical reason could be mobilized against essentialist and totalitarian political structures. This article offers an analysis of Adorno’s “Der Essay als Form” (The Essay as Form, 1958) in connection with the au-thor’s other prominent works, paying close attention to epistemic and political attitudes on language and literature. This study also offers a comparative analysis on the uses of language and literature in the context of non-identity thinking, as proposed by Adorno and his contemporaries, Edward Said and Italo Calvino.
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Authors: Hüseyin Ekrem ULUS
Page Number : 29-57
Keywords : D e n e m e , t a h a k k ü m , e l e ş t i r i , m o d e r n , e p i s t e m o l o j i , e d e b i y a t .
The Role of the Society for the Protection of Copyrights and Halide Edib Adıvar in Turkey’s Accession to the Berne Convention
The Ottoman Empire refused to accede to the Berne Convention in line with cultural and educational policies that took effect during the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century. By 1923, at the Lausanne Conference, the founders of the Turkish Republic guaranteed that they would soon join the Berne Union. However, despite the in-ternational pressures and the Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey avoided being a member of Berne Union until 1951. In 1948, a group of Turkish authors and artists who deplored this failure organized under the leadership of Halide Edib Adıvar to draw public attention to the matter and put pressure on the government. They then founded the Society for the Protection of Copyrights, and this civil initiative achieved its goal. On the other hand, when the Turkish government decided to join the Berne Union, the Society ceased its activities. To date, however, the Society’s vital contribution to the implementation of in-ternational intellectual property law in Turkey has been overlooked by most researchers. Hence, in this article I aim to demonstrate the crucial role of the Society for the Protection of Copyrights in the process of Turkey’s accession to the Berne Convention. Within this context, I argue that there is a clear link between the Society’s campaign conducted over its three years (1948-1951) in favor of the Berne Convention and the change in the Turk-ish government’s attitude toward international intellectual property law.
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Authors: Şerif ESKİN
Page Number : 59-87
Keywords : B e r n S ö z l e ş m e s i , f i k r î m ü l k i y e t h u k u k u , T e l i f H a k l a r ı n ı K o r u m a C e m i y e t i , H a l i d e E d i b A d ı v a r , e d e b i y a t s o s y o l o j i s i .
Founding Thought of the Police Organization in the Early Period of Turkish Republic
Since the political power in Turkey wanted to improve its capacity of implementing its decisions and of terminating actions and statements against these decisions, importance of Turkish police had started to increase during 1930’s. Thusly, the government had been not only transformed the police department but also had determined its main functions in this period. It is possible to evaluate the founding thought of any institution within the frame work of how it was established by referring any principles and values, which goals it is needed to achieve and which rules and institutions it is expected to protect. The preservation of sover-eignty and the Turkish revolution was central importance to the founding thought of the Turk-ish police. The political power has attached great importance to the preservation of the revo-lutions in order to maintain its existence strongly. In this period, the police were both con-tacted the political field and became an element that the political power heavily utilized during its effort to regulate social life. This fact necessitates looking at its activities in social life as well as in political life in order to fully understand the founding thought of the police in the early period of Turkish Republic.
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Authors: Salih Zeki HAKLI
Page Number : 89-123
Keywords : T ü r k P o l i s i , e g e m e n l i k , i n k ı l a p , t o p l u m s a l g ü v e n l i k .