LAST VOLUME : Amme İdaresi Dergisi
NO : 3
RELEASE DATE : 2025-09-30
Amme İdaresi Dergisi, genel kamu yönetimi, siyaset bilimi, siyaset felsefesi, devlet teorisi, bürokrasi, kamu hukuku, anayasa hukuku ve idare hukuku alanlarından özgün makaleleri kabul etmektedir. Devam eden ya da savunulmuş yüksek lisans ve doktora tezlerinden üretilmiş makaleler ve herhangi bir kongrede sunulmuş (özeti yayımlanmış ya da yayımlanmamış) bildirilerin genişletilmesiyle hazırlanan makaleler kabul edilmemekte ve değerlendirmeye alınmamaktadır. Derginin biçimsel yazım kurallarına uymayan makaleler editöryal incelemeye alınmadan geri çevrilir.
ARTICLES
Far-Right Social Movements and Democracy
In the beginning 21st century, far-right discourses have resurfaced as political parties and social movements. With this rise, discussions on 'militant democracy' have come to the forefront again. This concept refers to the idea of preventing the far-right from regaining power or influence in post-1945 Europe and transitioning to a order free from the threat of the far-right. It suggests that democracy can be defended through anti-democratic methods, such as restricting democratic rights and freedoms. Barred due to its anti-democratic ideas and methods through militant democracy in the past, the emergence of the far-right today as social movements triggers a critical series of discussions regarding understanding and evaluating the far-right, as well as protecting democracy against it. To what extent do the old/past and the new/current far-right overlap? Is the relationship between them a rupture, as the concept of populism claims? How does the existence of far-right social movements affect the validity of social movement theories that argue social movements are democratizing and of militant democracy as a preventive measure? In this study, it is argued that today’s far-right, which should be considered as a continuation of the past, is in harmony with neoliberalism that undermines democracy and reproduces it; and that the valid way to defend and protect democracy against the far-right is not by repeating militant democracy measures, but by rethinking democracy itself.
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Authors: Reyhan ÜNAL
Page Number : 499-522
Keywords : T o p l u m s a l H a r e k e t l e r , A ş ı r ı S a ğ , M i l i t a n D e m o k r a s i , N e o l i b e r a l i z m , P o p ü l i z m
Career Summary of a Civil Servant in the Early Republican Period: Naci Kâşif Kıcıman
The Kemalist cadre, who tried to rebuild the national identity in the early Republican period, tried to consolidate the new form of government on the one hand, and on the other hand, they aimed to reconsider the organizations that had become obsolete, stereotyped and ineffective within the system inherited from the Ottoman Empire and to provide them with a modern structure. Within the system, the provincial administration, which had a corrupt and cumbersome structure inherited from the Ottoman Empire, was also subject to reform. The provincial administration system was rebuilt with the regulations made in 1929 and 1949 on the “Provincial Regulation” of 1864, which was the basis of the provincial administration, and the “General Provincial Administration Law” of 1913. While the Kemalist cadre reconsidered the provincial administration system due to political, economic, military and social reasons and brought it into line with a secular and democratic management style, a practical, fast and effective civil administration was also provided with the arrangement made. As provinces gained special status, governors, the province's highest civil administrators, strove to build national identity, consolidate reforms, and ensure public peace and security in accordance with a democratic and secular order during the early Republican period. In this study, the life and activities of Naci Kıcıman, who was a soldier, bureaucrat, governor and memoirist who witnessed the period, will be evaluated. The place of Kıcıman, who was able to build a bridge between the past and the future in the face of the old and the new order and who provided guidance with his works during his 25-year civil service life, excluding military service, in the civil administration administration will be examined.
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Authors: Tekin AVANER, Vahide ÇETİN
Page Number : 523-544
Keywords : E r k e n C u m h u r i y e t d ö n e m i , m ü l k i i d a r e y ö n e t i m i , v a l i , N a c i K â ş i f K ı c ı m a n
A One-Dimensional Reading of the Liberal Idea of Freedom: A Critique of Neo-Roman Republicanism through Locke and Constant
Leading thinkers of neo-Roman republicanism, such as Philip Pettit, Quentin Skinner, and Maurizio Viroli, question the classic distinction between negative and positive freedom and argue that there is a third type of freedom that can be called republican. These thinkers propose the concept of freedom as “non-domination” or “absence of dependence” as an alternative to negative freedom as non-interference. By arguing that the concepts of freedom as non-interference and non-domination correspond to liberal and republican freedom, respectively, they pit liberal and republican freedom against each other. These thinkers' reductionist reading, which equates liberalism with non-intervention, overlooks both the internal plurality of liberal freedom and the strong theoretical links between some versions of liberalism and neo-Roman republicanism's definition of freedom. This article argues that there are significant theoretical differences between freedom as non-domination and freedom as non-interference, but that these differences do not necessarily correspond to an opposition between liberal and republican freedom. Some classical liberal thinkers, such as John Locke and Benjamin Constant, define freedom not as non-interference but as the protection of the individual against arbitrary domination through legal and institutional safeguards, thus offering a conception of freedom that coincides with the principle of non-domination. The one-dimensional liberal reading of freedom in neo-Roman republicanism leads them to overlook the possibility of republican liberalism or liberal republicanism.
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Authors: Adem ÇELİK, Metehan KARAKURT
Page Number : 387-408
Keywords : N e o - R o m a C u m h u r i y e t ç i l i ğ i , L i b e r a l i z m , M ü d a h a l e s i z l i k , T a h a k k ü m s ü z l ü k , Ö z g ü r l ü k
Personel Yönetiminde Post-Yeni Kamu İşletmeciliği: Kamu Sektöründe Kamu Çalışanlarının Rollerinin Yeniden Düşünülmesi
The New Public Management (NPM) paradigm, which dominated public sector reforms in the late 20th century, emphasized efficiency, market-oriented practices, and managerialism. While NPM introduced valuable concepts such as performance measurement and customer service orientation, its limitations have become increasingly apparent. Critics argue that NPM's focus on efficiency often leads to fragmentation within public organizations, undermining collaboration and diminishing the human aspect of public administration. This has prompted the emergence of post-New Public Management (post-NPM) approaches that seek to address these shortcomings by emphasizing collaboration, trust, and the intrinsic value of public service. This article explores the post-NPM perspective on personnel management within the public sector, focusing on the evolving roles of public employees. It argues that the post-NPM framework shifts the focus from rigid managerial control to empowering employees, fostering innovation, and enhancing public value. By prioritizing horizontal coordination and inter-organizational collaboration, post-NPM recognizes the importance of a more integrated approach to governance that leverages the expertise of public employees. This transformation not only enhances employee engagement but also improves service delivery outcomes for citizens. In conclusion, this article highlights the implications of adopting a post-NPM approach for future research and practice in personnel management. It underscores the need for a paradigm shift that values public employees as essential contributors to effective governance and service delivery, ultimately leading to a more responsive and accountable public sector.
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Authors: Adnan KARATAŞ
Page Number : 409-440
Keywords : Y e n i K a m u İ ş l e t m e c i l i ğ i , P o s t - Y e n i K a m u İ ş l e t m e c i l i ğ i , P e r s o n e l Y ö n e t i m i , K a m u Ç a l ı ş a n l a r ı
Between Theory and Practice: Demos' Boundary and Belonging in Liberal Democracies
In liberal-democratic normative political theory, there is a gap as to who constitutes the group of individuals who become members of the same political unit through a common political contract, in other words, what constitutes the boundary of the people and the bond of belonging. The universality of theory and the necessary particularity of practice make this gap visible. This gap in theory has been attempted to be filled by civic nationalism. However, since civic national identity is not sufficiently saturated and voluminous to bridge this gap, in practice, ethno-cultural nationalism, seen as the bad brother, has often been called to the rescue. The use of ethno-cultural to create a common bond of belonging has been virtually ignored, not only because it contradicts the theory, but also because it poses a serious potential threat that could lead to the collapse of the system. The dualism of opposition between civic and ethno-cultural nationalism has become a way of bridging the gap in theory on the one hand and covering up the reality in practice on the other. Seeing this fact does not render liberal-democratic theory and liberal democratic regimes worthless and meaningless. Awareness of this situation gives us the opportunity to address the issue more accurately and to reflect on the insurances of the liberal democratic system in the face of authoritarian approaches.
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Authors: Cennet USLU
Page Number : 441-468
Keywords : L i b e r a l i z m , M i l l i y e t ç i l i k , O r t a k K i m l i k , O r t a k A i d i y e t , H a l k ı n S ı n ı r ı
To Awaken Intimacy towards the Government or to Personalise the Government? Marûzât-ı Rikâbiye Department during the Era of Sultan Abdülhamid II
In the Ottoman Empire, it was an established tradition for the public to directly reach the Sultan and submit petitions . One of the most direct ways for the public to express their requests and complaints to the Sultan was when the Sultan went out of the palace. During the period until the Second Constitutional Era, apart from the weekly Friday parade [cuma selamlığı], surre processions, feast [bairam] processions of Sultans, sword-girding ceremonies, short trips [biniş-i hümâyun], and especially hometown trips taken during the 19th century offered unmissable opportunities for submitting a petition. At these times, petitions of the public were collected by special officers to be conveyed to the Sultan. Marûzât-ı Rikâbiye Department was established during the reign of Abdülhamid II to analyse these petitions, send them to the relevant ministries, and answer them systematically. This department can be likened to them modern day Presidential Communication Center (CİMER), which today operates under the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye. This research analyses the type of requests the public had by examining these petitions submitted to Sultan Abdülhamid II by the public in light of Ottoman archive documents. Likewise, it was evaluated to what extent the Ottoman government fulfilled the demands in the mentioned petitions or whether the Ottoman government took them into consideration.
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Authors: Gürsoy ŞAHİN
Page Number : 469-498
Keywords : O s m a n l ı İ m p a r a t o r l u ğ u , I I . A b d ü l h a m i d , a r z u h â l , m a r û z â t - ı r i k â b i y e .