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LAST VOLUME : Amme İdaresi Dergisi
NO : 2
RELEASE DATE : 2026-06-26
This study will examine the Constitutional Court's use of the concept of pluralism within the framework of the concept. In this context, we will first address the conceptual dimension of pluralism, followed by a discussion of its conceptual use in the Constitutional Court's jurisprudence. A concise assessment will then be presented. However, as a preliminary observation, it should be noted that the Court does not specifically use the concepts of "political pluralism" and "cultural-social pluralism" in its jurisprudence, but rather adopts an approach that reflects both of these areas.
ARTICLES
The Concept of Pluralism and the Constitutional Court’s Way of Using the Concept
This study will examine the Constitutional Court's use of the concept of pluralism within the framework of the concept. In this context, we will first address the conceptual dimension of pluralism, followed by a discussion of its conceptual use in the Constitutional Court's jurisprudence. A concise assessment will then be presented. However, as a preliminary observation, it should be noted that the Court does not specifically use the concepts of "political pluralism" and "cultural-social pluralism" in its jurisprudence, but rather adopts an approach that reflects both of these areas.
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Authors: Semih Batur KAYA - Ömer KESKİNSOY
Page Number : 149-168
Keywords : Ç o ğ u l c u l u k , S i y a s a l Ç o ğ u l c u l u k , S o s y a l Ç o ğ u l c u l u k , K ü l t ü r e l Ç o ğ u l c u l u k , A n a y a s a M a h k e m e s i
The Textual Transformation of the Leviathan: From Cosmic Threat to Social Order, From Monster to Chief Shepherd
Considering the famous founding texts as ‘well-known’ texts can sometimes prevent the analysis of their discursive functioning. In other words, their main themes that are memorized can obscure the question of how they were able to found what they founded. Hobbes’s book Leviathan, which is indisputably founding for political philosophy, is one example of this. Leviathan, which can be considered the first attempt to bring religion under state control in the construction of the modern secular state, accomplishes this task by following a path that is extremely foreign to us today: by approaching sacred texts with a new style of interpretation within the scope of political theology. In this article, Hobbes’ approach to interpreting sacred texts is examined through the analysis of discursive functions. To this end, first the genealogy of Leviathan, the mythical being that gives its name to the book, is presented, then the changes made by Hobbes in this genealogy are followed in the context of the philosopher's approach to interpreting sacred texts, and finally, how pastorality, the dominant and traditional administrative metaphor of the religious sphere, is transferred to civil administration in Hobbes's thought is scrutinized.
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Authors: Fatma Berna YILDIRIM
Page Number : 169-194
Keywords : K u t s a l m e t i n y o r u m u , S e k ü l e r l e ş m e , P a s t o r a l l i k , S i y a s i t e o l o j i , L e v i a t h a n
Flexible Unitary State: The Constitutional Rationale of Asymmetric Devolution in the United Kingdom after 1998
With the Scotland Act 1998, the Government of Wales Act 1998, and the Northern Ireland Act 1998, the United Kingdom (UK) moved from a Westminster centred unitary structure to an asymmetric devolution regime that profoundly reshaped its constitutional order. This study argues that the resulting system can be conceptualised as neither a classic unitary state nor a quasi-federal one; rather, it corresponds to a subtype of the unitary model that can be labelled a flexible unitary state. The study tests this hypothesis by examining (i) asymmetric devolution of competences, (ii) Westminster’s retractable parliamentary supremacy, and (iii) the architecture of inter governmental relations formalised in 2022. Through comparative statutory analysis and an assessment of how political developments have affected the constitutional framework, the article shows how parliamentary sovereignty is preserved while regional autonomy claims are managed within this redesigned system.
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Authors: Sercan YILMAZ
Page Number : 195-218
Keywords : E s n e k ü n i t e r d e v l e t , a s i m e t r i k y e t k i d e v r i , B i r l e ş i k K r a l l ı k , p a r l a m e n t e r e g e m e n l i k , ö z e r k y ö n e t i m
Muhtarlık as an Instrument of Administrative and Political Representation at the Local Scale: Interpreting Muhtarlık from the President’s Perspective
This article examines, through discourse analysis, how the muhtarlık was repositioned by the state power at political and administrative levels both before and after the transition to the Presidential Government System in Türkiye. In particular, the ‘Muhtars Meetings’ held regularly under the auspices of the Presidency since 2015, has initiated a new process concerning the way state power engages with the local level. In this study, speeches delivered by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at the ‘Muhtars Meetings’ held between 2015 and 2024 were analysed using MaxQDA24 software, drawing on Bob Jessop's strategic-relational approach to the discussion of the state's institutional integrity, with a focus on three forms of state power: representation, internal organisation, and intervention. The findings indicate that the muhtarlık as an institution is not merely an administrative mechanism; rather, it serves as a strategic element facilitating the institutionalisation of the state's new hegemonic form of power at the village and neighbourhood scales. In this way, village and neighbourhood scales are transformed into micro-ideological spaces in which the consent-based forms of power of the modern nation-state are reproduced. This transformation is realised primarily through the positioning of muhtars, albeit without clearly defined administrative or legislative roles, as effective political-administrative actors at the local scale, particularly at the level of political discourse. This configuration serves to deepen the discursive disjuncture between the formal legal status of muhtars and their substantive political function, thereby constituting them as local vehicles of the hegemonic reproduction of state power.
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Authors: Ayhan Melih TEZCAN - Ufuk POYRAZ - Ayşe Çolpan KAVUNCU YALDIZ
Page Number : 219-254
Keywords : M u h t a r l ı k , C u m h u r b a ş k a n ı S ö y l e m l e r i , D e v l e t İ k t i d a r ı n ı n B i ç i m l e r i , Y e r e l Ö l ç e k , S t r a t e j i k - İ l i ş k i s e l Y a k l a ş ı m
Dört Günlük Çalışma Haftası Tartışmaları Bağlamında Verimlilik: Kayıt Dışılık ve Kamu Politikalarının Rolü
Covid–19 pandemisi sonrasında çalışma yaşamındaki dönüşüm, çalışma sürelerinin yeniden düzenlenmesine ilişkin tartışmaları artırmış ve dört günlük çalışma haftası (4GÇH) gibi modelleri öne çıkarmıştır. Ancak bu tür uygulamaların farklı kurumsal bağlamlardaki ekonomik sonuçları yeterince incelenmemiştir. Bu çalışma, çalışma süresi ile verimlilik arasındaki ilişkiyi kamu politikası perspektifinden incelemektedir. Analiz, 2015–2024 döneminde 160 ülkeyi kapsayan panel veri setine dayanmakta ve Sistem GMM yöntemi kullanılmaktadır. Bulgular, verimliliğin en güçlü belirleyicisinin kendi gecikmeli değeri olduğunu ve güçlü bir yol bağımlılığı bulunduğunu göstermektedir. Buna karşılık, çalışma süresi değişkenleri anlamlı değildir. Kayıt dışılık ise özellikle düşük ve orta gelirli ülkelerde verimliliği olumsuz etkilemektedir. Sonuç olarak, çalışma süresi politikalarının tek başına verimlilik artışı sağlamadığı, etkinliğinin kurumsal yapı ve kayıt dışılık düzeyine bağlı olduğu görülmektedir. Bu durum, bağlama duyarlı politika tasarımının önemine işaret etmektedir.
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Authors: Evin MİSER - Erdem CAM
Page Number : 255-278
Keywords : F o u r – D a y W o r k i n g W e e k ( 4 D W W ) , W o r k i n g T i m e , L a b o u r P r o d u c t i v i t y , I n f o r m a l E m p l o y m e n t , P u b l i c P o l i c y
Slander Provisions as a Mechanism for Maintaining Public Order in Mesopotamia
This study aims to analyze the phenomenon of slander (false accusation) in Ancient Mesopotamian law and social life through law collections, trial records and various personal correspondences. In antiquity, as is the case today, not all allegations reflected reality; claims had to be verified through evidence or witnesses, or unfounded accusations had to be dismissed. The legal system was the instrument to ensure this process. According to the Mesopotamian legal understanding, slander was perceived as a threat to family unity, property rights and public order. To prevent this threat and ensure justice, the burden of proof was imposed on allegations through statutory provisions. These provisions include slanders related to various legal violations such as theft, sorcery, murder and adultery, along with their perspective penal sanctions. Furthermore, there are legal articles designed to prevent the tendency to mislead the court through false testimony. Slander, which was classified as a serious offensei was met with a range of sanctions from fines to capital punishment. In this article, after oytlining the theoretical framework in legal texts, the practical application of these provisions is evaluated by referring to documents from Mesopotamia’s rich archives, such as private letters with political, institutional and economic content, and court minutes. In particular, a court record dating to the Third Dynasty of Ur provides concrete evidence of the radical consequences of the crime of slander, such as the death penalty and material loss. This study examines how misleading justice through false charge/slander in Mesopotamian civilizations was evaluated as a major crime for the purpose of maintaining public order and addressed as a matter of public law concerning state authority and social stability.
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Authors: Hayrunnisa OKUR
Page Number : 279-308
Keywords : A s ı l s ı z S u ç l a m a , İ f t i r a , H u k u k S i s t e m i , K a n u n l a r , M e z o p o t a m y a .
Türkiye'de Sigara Tüketiminin Kısa Bir Analizi ve 4207 Sayılı Tütün Ürünlerinin Zararlarının Önlenmesi ve Kontrolü Hakkında Kanun'da Değişiklik Önerisi
20. yüzyılın başlarından itibaren başlayan sigara bağımlılığı ile mücadeleye dönük kamu ve sivil toplum girişimleri 21. yüzyılda da artarak devam etmesine rağmen sigaranın kullanımında küresel olarak büyük oranlarda artış gözlemlenmektedir. Ülkeler bu önlenemez artış karşısında tütün ürünlerinin kullanımıyla mücadeleye dönük bilinçlendirici girişimler yürütmek zorunda kalmıştır. Bu girişimlerin olumlu etkileri olmakla birlikte sigara bağımlılığında artış hızını düşürmeye dönük istenilen ivme yakalanamamıştır. Bu tür durumlarda ülkeler iç hukuk düzenlemelerini zamanla revize etmekte ve yeni stratejiler belirlemektedirler. Bu bağlamda, neredeyse tüm ülkeler en etkili hukuki düzenlemeler için çalışmalar yürütmektedir. Türkiye’de özellikle 2003 yılından itibaren tütün ürünlerinin bağımlılığı ile mücadeleye yönelik önemli girişimler yapılmasına rağmen bu girişimler henüz yeterli düzeyde değildir. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada Türkiye’de yapılan girişimlerin etkinliğinin artmasına yönelik öneri sunulacaktır. Bu bağlamda, çalışmada öncelikle tütün ve tütün ürünleri tüketme alışkanlığının geçirdiği aşamaların değerlendirilmesi yapılacak, ardından Türkiye’de giderek artan sigara bağımlılığının geçmişi ve geleceğine ilişkin açıklamalarda bulunulacaktır. Çalışmada aynı zamanda farklı ülkeler özelinde dünyada sigara tüketimi ve önlenmesine yönelik bilgiler verilecektir. Ayrıca çalışmada sigara bağımlılığı ile mücadeleye katkı sunmak amacıyla 4207 sayılı Kanunda değişiklik öngören hukuki bir düzenleme önerisi sunulacaktır.
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Authors: Safa KOÇOĞLU GÜRSOY
Page Number : 309-338
Keywords : S m o k i n g A d d i c t i o n , F i g h t A g a i n s t S m o k i n g , S m o k i n g B a n s , L a w N o . 4 2 0 7 , P r o p o s a l t o a m e n d t h e l a w
The Restructuring of Public Debtfare Institutions in Turkey and Crisis Dynamics: TOKİ and KYK
The literature has examined only to a limited extent the central role of the post 2000 restructuring of public debt-welfare institutions in Turkey in the financial inclusion of low-income households and young people, as well as its implications for state-society relations.This article examines how credit-based social policy design, through the cases of TOKİ and KYK, establishes an asymmetric relationship between the creditor state and debtor citizens by transferring costs, responsibilities, and risks and analyzes the structural contradictions generated by this process. In this context, TOKİ and KYK operate as central institutions in long-term debt relations that bind households’ future incomes, enabled by their relative budgetary autonomy, partial insulation from financial markets, and broad administrative discretion. A key finding of the study is that this debtfare regime, which appeared sustainable under relative macroeconomic stability, has become increasingly fragile since 2018. Inflation-indexed repayment mechanisms have shifted the costs of currency and price shocks from the public sphere to households, turning debtors into de facto risk bearers To examine how the debtfare regime is experienced by debtor citizens under conditions of crisis, the study conducts a thematic analysis of 3,082 complaints related to TOKİ and KYK published on the Şikayetvar platform between 2022 and 2025 The analysis reveals, through the everyday experiences of debtor citizens, that debt has ceased to function as a mechanism supporting social reproduction and has instead become a governing technique that renders basic needs such as housing and education conditional and precarious. In doing so, the article reveals the structural limits of the debtfarism under crisis conditions and demonstrates that the credit-based social policy reinforces new forms of inequality and deepens social tensions under conditions of high inflation and jobless growth.
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Authors: Havva Ezgi DOĞRU ZIRIĞ
Page Number : 339-370
Keywords : B o r ç r e f a h ı , b o r ç s o s y o l o j i s i , k r e d i t e m e l l i s o s y a l p o l i t i k a , e k o n o m i k k r i z , d e v l e t - t o p l u m i l i ş k i s i